History records that Paul Weyrich, one of the founders of the Moral
Majority, the Heritage Foundation and other conservative groups, used to
present himself as a soul-brother to the American worker. In his heyday he
railed against the "elitist upper class" and established his bona fides by
saying, "I come from a poor district of working-class people."
Writing in the Washington Times last week, Mr. Weyrich was back in his
old rhetorical neighborhood. The subject was Labor Secretary Elaine Chao,
and Mr. Weyrich was writing to celebrate "the best record of accomplishment
of anyone in the Bush administration." Read closely, and you get the
impression that Ms. Chao's the best secretary of Labor ever. After all, as
Mr. Weyrich notes, she has applied stricter regulations to labor unions and
has held the line against card-check unionization, which would allow workers
to organize a union by signing cards instead of casting ballots.
Let us take note, then: The Bush administration's Department of Labor
meets the strictest conservative standards. There will be no backing out
later, none of the usual talk about how the department really wasn't
conservative, that conservatism never really got a chance. No, this is it. A
definitive test case. This is what conservatism has to offer the worker.
So let us flesh out the picture a little. In the New York Times on the
day before Mr. Weyrich's commentary appeared, we find a story about
AgriProcessors, an Iowa meatpacking plant which was, back in May, the site
of the biggest immigration bust of all time. According to the Times, the
immigration agents also "found more than 20 under-age workers, some as young
as 13." One young worker told investigators "he worked 17-hour shifts, six
day a week."
"The investigation brings to light egregious violations of virtually
every aspect of Iowa's child labor laws," the Iowa labor commissioner said
yesterday.
The Des Moines Register noted in March that "the Iowa Division of Labor
Services said it was citing the plant for 39 violations of safety rules." By
comparison, according to union officials, "in 2007, Iowa OSHA [Occupational
Safety and Health Administration] issued 19 violations for all meatpacking
plants" in the state.
The fines levied against AgriProcessors, however, were eventually reduced
to $42,750 from $182,000. The same pattern holds true in the case of the
only federal Labor Department fines against the company that I have been
able to discover, which were levied in 2006, and which set the company back
a grand total of $2,250.
In 2006, the Jewish Daily Forward reported on AgriProcessors workers'
complaints about low wages -- between $6.25 and $7 an hour -- and about
receiving almost no safety training before starting jobs that are,
statistically, among the most dangerous of jobs in the work force.
But why didn't the packers just demand more money, or scold their bosses
for being inconsiderate?
Because their bosses had them over a barrel. Many of them were illegal
immigrants, had probably borrowed money to come to Iowa, and consequently
were "very malleable," in the words of University of Northern Iowa
anthropologist Mark Grey, an expert on the local meatpacking industry.
"They're at the mercy of whomever's going to hire them. They're at the mercy
of their employer, at the mercy of the immigration authorities. You're going
to do what the boss says or they'll turn you in to la migra [border
patrol]."
OK, so where was Ms. Chao? Sure, the Labor Department is investigating
AgriProcessors now, but what has this exemplary agency been doing for the
past seven years? When department officials weren't dreaming up schemes for
"voluntary compliance" with federal rules by businesses, they were getting
tough with labor unions -- the one institution that can be relied on to
protect blue-collar workers.
"The reason AgriProcessors employed 13-year-old children was because they
could," Mark Lauritsen of the United Food and Commercial Workers, which has
tried to organize the company's workers, told me. "Because they knew the
federal Department of Labor would never come down on them."
An inquiry into the Labor Department's office of public affairs yesterday
morning yielded only a bland statement about the department's ongoing
investigation into AgriProcessors.
All across the Midwest there are meatpacking towns just like that one in
Iowa, tiny hamlets dominated by a big employer whose misdeeds a lot of
people suspect, as Mr. Grey says, but whom no one dares to cross.
These towns sometimes boast of their prosperity, by which they mean they
have escaped utter depopulation. But it is a peculiar form of prosperity
that sentences a large part of the community to life in a decrepit trailer
park where you hope, as Mr. Grey puts it, "that you can scramble from barely
subsisting to being the working poor."
Conservatism didn't create these hellish conditions, but it has strained
to preserve them. So here's to Ms. Chao and her faithful cheering section.
By their works shall ye know them.